Since the military overthrew Myanmar’s democratically elected government on Feb. 1, 2021, millions have taken to the streets, demonstrating their profound dissatisfaction with the military coup and uniting in a demand for change. As usual, the military responded with torture, brutality, and mass arrests, dramatically increasing the number of political prisoners. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has recorded the detention of over 28,000 people, including President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and members of parliament.
For more than three decades, the release of political prisoners has been a central issue in global discussions about Burma, including at the UN and within ASEAN. Since the 2021 coup, UN Security Council resolutions continue to recommend the release of all political prisoners. Their freedom is at the heart of the country’s quest for justice and accountability.
The problem is the military
Between 2010 and 2020, Myanmar experienced a period of relative political openness – Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was out of prison and took up leadership positions in government, elections were held, activists were freed from jail and allowed to carry on with their political advocacy. Many people believed that the issue of political prisoners in Burma was coming to an end. But despite the veneer of democratic freedom, the military kept a tight grip on power and continued to commit human rights violations, perpetrate genocide, and detain and traumatize political prisoners. When it launched the coup, many were unsurprised.
The military does not care and never has cared for the needs of Myanmar’s people. This is evident in the campaign of terror it continues to perpetrate across the country, clearly showing its blatant disregard for life. The recent airstrike on Ramree Island in Rakhine State, which according to the AAPP killed at least 26 civilians, is just one of many that the military has unleashed on civilian areas since the coup.
The AAPP has also documented more than 6,200 extrajudicial killings since the coup, though actual numbers are likely much higher. People lack access to electricity, transportation is limited, and children do not dare to go to school. The military is putting the country’s human resources behind bars – imprisoning at least 207 medics, 483 teachers, 1,160 students, 68 lawyers, 193 media personnel, and many public servants who joined the civil disobedience movement that has been a cornerstone of the anti-coup revolution.
But these brutal acts are working against the military, which is now weaker than ever. The National Unity Government and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) control much of the country, and the people do not trust the military. The people’s long-held hopes for a free, just, and democratic Myanmar now seem more possible than at any point since the coup. At this moment, those of us who are devoted to a brighter future in Burma must remain focused on building the foundations for justice and accountability.
Urgent need to release all political prisoners
My organization, AAPP, has been working on political prisoner issues in Myanmar for nearly 25 years. First and foremost, we demand the release of all political prisoners, including U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. To do so would be a step toward progress.
Even after this revolution has ended, political prisoners will face a struggle for survival: imprisonment has long-term consequences because of the physical and mental torture that prisoners endure. They will need rehabilitation—including psychosocial counseling, medical assistance, and material support—to rebuild their lives.
But their unconditional release and support are not enough. There must be space for participation for all in politics and future transitional justice, including released political prisoners. The few who have been released during the current conflict are now subject to surveillance, facing the constant risk of re-arrest and isolation from their communities. Released leaders must be allowed the freedom to travel, to engage with communities, including ethnic groups and diplomats abroad, to carry out the essential work of establishing a just rule of law and a federal democratic state.
To move toward that democratic future, the country needs stability and trust. Because Myanmar will need a military in the future, establishing a professional army that serves the people will be key. Trust-building must be at its foundation. The military must confess to what it has done wrong and promise to stay away from politics and business.
Stability for the region
Stability is vital, not just for those inside the country but for the region. Had the military not carried out a coup, Myanmar could have been on a path to stability, making democratic and economic progress. We would have had the opportunity to contribute to the region’s growth, sharing knowledge and fostering development.
Instead, we are a burden. We regret the impact of the coup on neighboring countries, but we urge them to take action and assist us in rebuilding our nation—not only for the people of Myanmar but also for their own stability and shared future. Neighboring countries must accept those who are fleeing the junta’s persecution. Critically, they must use their resources and leverage to pressure the junta to pass on power to the democratically elected leaders of Myanmar.
We do not want spurious negotiations with a military unwilling to compromise, but for those who truly represent the will of the people to be able to lead the country towards a federal democratic state.
Bo Kyi is a former political prisoner and joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
