Thursday marked three years since Myanmar’s military seized power from an elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD).
With two previous coups under their belt, Myanmar’s generals may have thought they could easily put things under control. But after three years, Myanmar is sinking into catastrophe.
Min Aung Hlaing consulted primarily with the head of the Bureau of Special Operations, Lieutenant-General Moe Myint Tun, and then Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Soe Htut about the coup he had planned.
Rumors of a possible coup were already circulating in diplomatic circles and in Naypyitaw, the seat of power, three days before it happened.
In the commercial capital of Yangon, the military was showing off its strength with patrols that included armored vehicles. At the same time, its supporters were organizing pro-military rallies calling for a takeover.
The Feb. 1 coup was led by Moe Myint Tun and Soe Htut who oversaw operations and the security apparatus in Naypyitaw.
At around 6 pm on Jan. 31, 2021, Brigadier-General Than Htike received an order to get soldiers and armored vehicles ready. Than Htike was subsequently rewarded with a rapid promotion. Before the coup he was head of 6th Military Operations Command based in Thae Phyu village in Naypyitaw’s Pyinmana Township. Now, he is the head of Northwestern Command.
The Bago Region-based 77th Light Infantry Division, led by Brig-General Soe Myat Htut, was brought to Naypyitaw overnight to help arrest members of the NLD government.
Then, Myanmar Police Chief Lt-Gen Aung Win Oo, who had close ties with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint, was summoned to Naypyitaw Command. He was forced to retire the following day.
Major-generals and general staff (first class) from Naypyitaw Command were ordered to go to their office on the night of Jan. 31.
Troops led by Lt-Gen Moe Myint Tun, Naypyitaw Command chief Zaw Myo Tin and Naypyitaw Police Force chief Ko Ko Lwin drove to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence. When security guards at first refused to open the gate, troops started to demolish the wall at the back of the residence. Security guards then opened the front gate, and military troops entered from both directions.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi later testified that she saw a major-general standing under the portico of her residence at around 4 am on Feb. 1. He then entered her living room with two others, and took a photo of her. After searching her home for about 45 minutes, they left it, taking her computer, iPad and phone.
Lt-Gen Moe Myint Tun then drove to President U Win Myint’s residence, which Lt-Gen Soe Htut was raiding.
Elected lawmakers arrived in Naypyitaw municipal guesthouse on Jan. 31. They were told by their party leaders to get on buses bound for Parliament by 6 a.m. on Feb.1.
At about 3 a.m., however, the military cut off phone and internet services, and military vehicles surrounded the guesthouse where lawmakers stay when parliament is in session.
The military easily seized power on Feb.1. Min Aung Hlaing praised those who led the coup, including the Home Affairs Ministry, because it was accomplished without firing a single shot. He hosted a dinner at the presidential residence the following day to celebrate.
Moe Myint Tun who played the main role in implementing the coup was promoted to army chief of staff and to the regime’s governing body, the State Administration Council. He was also assigned to lead the Myanmar Investment Commission and other committees regulating Myanmar’s economy.
In October last year, however, he was given a life sentence, equivalent to 20 years in prison, for treason, bribery, illegal possession of foreign currency and abuse of power.
Former home affairs minister Lt-Gen Soe Htut was also sentenced to five years in prison for abuse of power and bribery. Some majors who took part in the coup were promoted to lieutenant-colonel and appointed commanders of combat battalions.
After the 2021 coup
Myanmar has experienced historic changes over the past three years.
The coup was met with strong opposition from the people. As usual, the military brutally cracked down on protesters. But this time people decided to strike back. Young people underwent military training in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups (EAOs) and formed resistance groups collectively known as People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). They have been fighting the regime alongside EAOs ever since. The armed revolt is heartily welcomed by the people who are also supporting it financially and emotionally.
Foreign observers underestimated PDFs in the early days, predicting that they would be completely defeated by the military within a few months because it had superior manpower and weaponry. Their predictions were wrong. Min Aung Hlaing still can’t gain control over the country because of the nationwide resistance. The military has lost dozens of towns and large swaths of territory to EAOs and PDFs over the past three years, and has suffered unprecedented humiliation in northern Shan State. Even some military sympathizers have even called on Min Aung Hlaing to step down.
On Wednesday, Min Aung Hlaing again violated the constitution and extended emergency rule for the fifth time, for another six months. The military will do “whatever it takes to return the state to stability,” he said in a speech aired by state broadcaster MRTV.
He made the same statement on Armed Forces Day last year. It was followed by the most humiliating defeat of Myanmar’s military in its history.
