Former intelligence officer Colonel Hla Min has revised and republished his English-language propaganda book “The Way I See It: Myanmar and Its Evolving Global Role (1988-2025),” which was advertised in junta-controlled newspapers in late May.
This book is a revised edition of his 2014 bilingual publication, which had the same title but covered events from 1988-2014. According to the advertisement, the 2025 edition marks the 31st revision of the book.
The content covers Myanmar’s geography, ethnic groups, religions, politics, economy, society and the Rohingya issue, as well as the current state of the country. It also includes strong criticisms of the United States and the United Kingdom. The book is being promoted as containing important facts that citizens and young readers should know.
Hla Min started writing his book while serving in the military intelligence (MI) service, known today as the Office of the Chief of Military Security Affairs. During the 2004 purge of the intelligence network, he was arrested and imprisoned for seven years. He was released in 2011, and the book was published three years later.
Several former military officers ranging in rank from lieutenant colonel to general as well as ex-ministers and a former government spokesman and prime minister have authored propaganda books. They include Soe Thane, Ye Htut, Wai Lwin Maung, Tun Kyi, Tint Swe and, last but not least, former PM Khin Nyunt.
During the era of Myanmar’s first military dictator Ne Win, Dr. Maung Maung authored “To My Soldier Son”, a book promoting military ideology.
Dr. Maung Maung served as Myanmar’s seventh president for one month from August 19 to September 19, 1988 during Myanmar’s 8888 pro-democracy uprising.

Despite their different ranks and roles, there is one thing Hla Min and other former military officers share—their books conceal the truth and support military dictatorship through propaganda.
Some of these books were reportedly ghostwritten by hired authors.
After the Myanmar military’s brutal crackdown on the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the MI led by General Khin Nyunt gradually expanded its network and grew in influence.
This intelligence network extended beyond traditional surveillance operations, infiltrating political, economic, social and international relations sectors.
Khin Nyunt once describe the MI as the “eyes and ears” of the nation.
The then-regimes—the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and its successor the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)—had to rely on the MI to consolidate military rule in a country wrecked by civil war and Ne Win’s mismanagement.
One of the primary functions of the MI was to spread propaganda, both domestically and internationally, to justify the actions of the military leaders.
In Myanmar, propaganda was first introduced during the Japanese occupation, during the country’s struggle for independence.

Propaganda after independence
As communist ideology rose in Myanmar during the civil war after the country’s independence, Prime Minister U Nu of the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League personally wrote the play Ludu Aung Than (The People’s Victory). It was published by the Democracy Promotion Association as anti-communist propaganda against the Communist Party of Burma (CPB).
With help from the US, the play was later adapted into a film, starring soldier-turned-actor Bo Ba Ko. It was considered successful not only as a work of art but also as a propaganda piece. It was the first instance of direct government-led propaganda.
While military offensives were being carried out in the name of internal peace, the government issued propaganda publications such as Khit Yay (Current Affairs). At the same time, propaganda radio dramas featuring Bo Ba Ko were aired on the state broadcaster, successfully persuading CPB members to surrender en masse.
Later, the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare started to launch its own propaganda operations.

The military published Myawaddy Magazine, featuring anti-communist pieces from prominent figures like U May Aung. Alongside these, renowned writers such as Min Shin Naung, Tint Te, Khin Hnin Yu (wife of Colonel Kyaw Thaung and sister of U Nu), Than Swe and Kyi Aye contributed propaganda pieces disguised as art.
When Ne Win seized power on March 2, 1962, military intelligence became a powerful force, serving as his eyes and ears. It was feared as one of the most ruthless units of the Myanmar military.
At the beginning of Ne Win’s rule, Colonel Lwin—not to be confused with U Lwin from the National League for Democracy (NLD)—was the MI head. However, propaganda operations were managed by the Public Relations and Psychological Warfare Directorate, under the Office of the Commander-in-Chief (Army).
During Col. Lwin’s tenure, MI captured CPB Central Committee member Thakin Tin Mya while he was conducting underground operations in Yangon. Following this, Thakin Tin Mya was forced to write a book entitled “A New Era in History” designed to promote the ideology of Ne Win’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP).
Later, new MI chief Colonel Chit Khin felt the need to do more propaganda work to eliminate the CPB. He assigned Myat Hmen Tin Oo (not to be confused with former NLD patron Tin Oo), to lead new propaganda efforts, collaborating with surrendered CPB members.
Lt-Col Tin Oo eventually became the No. 2 in the BSPP after Ne Win, advising the dictator on military affairs.

Mya Yar Pin era
Col. Chit Khin, Lt-Col Tin Oo and former CPB member Ba Khet teamed up to establish the Mya Yar Pin publishing house. They created a pen name, “Comrade Aung Khaing”, under which they published descriptions of the negative side of the life of CPB members in Bago Yoma.
Ba Khet was later joined by renowned defectors from the CPB including Comrade Mya and Comrade Tin Shein. The trio authored several books discrediting the CPB and its factions as well as the Karen insurgency in the Irrawaddy Delta, and politician U Nu.
Among the most significant publications, “The Last Days of Thakin Than Tun” stood out as the most widely read. This book reinforced the widespread fear of communism, leaving a lasting impact on public perception while casting a dark shadow over communists themselves.
The final two books about the death of Thakhin Zin and Thakhin Chit and the downfall of the CPB in Bago Yoma in 1975 were published by Thabyay Phyu publishing house run by Comrade Ba Khet. The trio—Ba Khet, Mya and Tin Shein—then relocated to Yangon, drawing a curtain on Mya Yar Pin.
After the 1988 uprising, the then regime organized press conferences led by MI chief Brig-Gen Khin Nyunt. The junta’s Information Ministry published those press conferences as books. One of them was “CPB’s Activities to Seize Power”, widely known for its red cover, and another was “Traitorous Forces Inside Myanmar Who Collaborate With Foreign Governments”, widely known for its green cover.
Following Col. Tin Oo’s approach, the SLORC regime in 1990 published a book entitled “Thus It Happened” about the hardships faced by students who went into exile after the 1988 uprising. The book was purportedly authored by former students-turned-rebels.

In August 2015, the book was republished. This time, the authors were listed as Comrade Zin Htet, Comrade Htun Thein, Comrade Aung Min and former Colonel San Pwint.
San Pwint was previously an intelligence officer who was arrested in 2004 during the purge of MI chief Khin Nyunt along with his spy network. He spent seven years in prison before his release. He also authored the book “Intelligence During Ancient Burmese Kings”. He died of leukemia in 2021.
After 1988, the MI expanded significantly under Khin Nyunt’s leadership, making the then regime increasingly reliant on its intelligence networks to run its administration.
Under General Saw Maung’s leadership, Myat Khin Thit magazine was launched as a propaganda tool. The magazine aggressively disseminated state narratives before eventually ceasing publication.
The previous regimes famously claimed that foreign media outlets were reporting a “skyful of lies” about their leadership and Myanmar. In fact, the reverse was true.
The top generals were displeased with these portrayals and sought to counter them. They hired international PR firms, aiming to diminish the public image of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the opposition while improving perceptions of the SLORC and SPDC regimes.
Colonel Thein Swe, who served at the military attaché office in Bangkok, played a key role in these efforts.

Amid sanctions by the US and EU, Gen. Khin Nyunt’s intelligence department worked intensively to improve Myanmar’s international relations.
Col. Hla Min was another significant figure in these propaganda efforts. Having studied in Western countries, he had strong English language skills, and his handsome face made him the junta’s top choice for interviews with foreign media. His role was crucial in reshaping Myanmar’s image abroad. Alongside him, other high-ranking officials such as Col. Thein Swe and Col. Khin Maung Thein (who had served as Myanmar’s ambassador to Japan) were also actively involved in propaganda efforts.
These officials had attended CIA training programs in the 1980s and maintained connections with the US.
Due to these ties, they arranged a meeting between former US diplomat and Congressman Bill Richardson and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest, in 1994, in a carefully planned propaganda move.
Gen. Khin Nyunt and his MI played a significant role in shifting international perceptions of Myanmar, particularly in the US, among members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and in Japan.
In November 2021, Richardson was once again invited to the country, to meet junta leader Min Aung Hlaing.
The architect behind Myanmar’s sophisticated and modern propaganda effort was Col. Thein Swe, a close aide to Gen. Khin Nyunt. After completing his tenure in Bangkok, he was appointed head of the International Relations Department in Yangon.
At the time, Gen. Khin Nyunt’s son, Dr. Ye Naing Win, and his classmate Dr. Ne Win Maung were granted licenses to publish magazines. Ne Win Maung published Living Color magazine.
Living Color was viewed as a VIP magazine published at a time of draconian censorship. As the magazine gained momentum, Ne Win Maung also published The Voice, earning attention and support from diplomats from Western countries.

Myanmar through the lens of foreign media
At the time, exiled Myanmar media outlets such as Khit Pyaing and The Irrawaddy were gaining influence, publishing content in English. Major newspapers like the Bangkok Post and The Nation also regularly covered Myanmar-related issues. However, these articles were often critical of the SLORC and SPDC regime, which displeased the ruling generals.
From around 1992-1993 until the early 2000s, columnists writing weekly on Myanmar-related issues in the Bangkok Post and The Nation included Kavi Chongkittavorn, Yindee Lertcharoenchok, Don Pathan, Larry Jagan and Aung Zaw, the founder of The Irrawaddy News Agency.
At the same time, Dominic Faulder was extensively covering Myanmar-related topics for Asiaweek. In the Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER), the renowned journalist Bertil Lintner was a regular critic, frequently publishing investigative pieces on Myanmar’s political landscape. Their articles posed serious challenges for the military government.
These journalists effectively dominated international media narratives about Myanmar, infuriating the MI.
In response, the MI decided to publish its own bilingual newspaper to present the narrative they wanted the world to see.

The birth of Myanmar Times
In 2000, after being promoted to brigadier general, Thein Swe published Myanmar Times weekly. The publication was fronted by Myanmar Consolidated Media Co. Ltd led by Thein Swe’s son, Sonny Swe (Myat Swe).
The company’s board of directors included shareholders such as Australian Ross Dunkley, with the majority stakes held by Sonny Swe’s wife, Daw Yamin Htin Aung, and Dunkley. In the early days, figures like Pyone Maung Maung sat on the board of directors.
Later, alongside Dunkley, several foreign experts joined the operation, including Thomas Kean, who is now with the International Crisis Group (ICG), Tony Child and Bill Tegjeu.
During an era of draconian censorship, Myanmar Times was granted a unique privilege, allowing it to bypass the censorship board. Instead, two intelligence officers reviewed the content before granting approval for printing. The primary reviewers were Brig-Gen Thein Swe and a junior intelligence officer. In case of significant national events, Thein Swe reportedly handled the reporting himself.
Sensitive reports were often moved to inside pages (such as pages 3 or 4), while narratives and tones were carefully adjusted to shape public perception.
Ultimately, Myanmar Times became a successful publication. It was an ambitious and costly propaganda project of the MI.
Dunkley was recruited alongside inexperienced foreign journalists who had minimal prior knowledge of Myanmar. They were brainwashed to write narratives that the MI wanted to present to the world.

To this day, when these individuals write or speak about Myanmar, they continue to convey the same narratives indoctrinated in them by the MI—evidence of the long-lasting success of these efforts.
Australian writer Andrew Selth, who focuses on the Myanmar military, wrote in his book “Secrets and Power in Myanmar: Intelligence and The Fall of General Khin Nyunt” that the Myanmar Times primarily reflected the perspectives of the MI.
While the MI was at its peak, media and internet licensing were tightly controlled, and granted only to individuals with close ties to powerful military leaders. Key figures benefiting from this system included Dr. Ye Naing Win (Bagan Cybertech), former foreign minister Win Aung’s son U Thaung Su Nyein (7 Day Journal and other businesses), and Sonny Swe.
However, in 2004, an internal power struggle led to the downfall of Gen. Khin Nyunt, who was removed from office and placed under house arrest. Thein Swe, his son Sonny Swe and many intelligence officers were subsequently jailed for alleged defiance, abuse of power and corruption.
Meanwhile, ownership of the Myanmar Times changed hands. Pro-military Dr. Tin Tun Oo took over before selling it to U Thein Tun, the businessman who introduced Pepsi to Myanmar. Thein Tun died in Bangkok in April 2022 at the age of 85.
Tin Tun Oo is the owner of Swelsone Media Co., which publishes several journals and magazines. Tin Tun Oo ran as a candidate for the military proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party in the 2010 general elections. He is also the incumbent chairman of the junta-appointed Myanmar Press Council.
Dunkley faced legal issues and imprisonment for alleged possession of drugs and violation of immigration laws before returning to Australia.
Following the 2021 military coup, the Myanmar Times ceased operations. Sonny Swe however has continued publishing Frontier Myanmar.
In October 2024, Thein Swe and Hla Min traveled to Beijing ahead of Min Aung Hlaing’s visit in November to the Chinese city of Kunming for a meeting of states from the Greater Mekong Subregion. The duo, in their respective capacities as the chairman of and special advisor to Paragon Institute, met with Chinese officials and think tanks like the Taihe Institute and the Charhar Institute. The Charhar Institute said Thein Swe provided an update on the situation in Myanmar, particularly regarding the country’s internal security situation, the post said.
Obviously, the current regime has been using them for propaganda efforts.