Ko Wai Yan Phyo Moe, a leader of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), was arrested one month after the February 2021 military coup for participating in anti-coup protests.
He was sentenced to seven years and two months for sedition and breaking the Peaceful Assembly Law, and was released early in April 2025. He spent two years in Yangon’s Insein Prison and the remainder in Tharyarwaddy Prison. He currently serves as third secretary of the ABFSU.
Before his arrest, he had challenged Min Aung Hlaing during a speech at a Yangon street protest, asking if the coup-maker feared being toppled by the popular uprising. He said he was forced to repeat his anti-coup speeches as he was being tortured at the interrogation center. He talked to The Irrawaddy about his time behind bars and his faith in armed resistance against military rule.
When were you set free?
I was released on April 2, 2025 [after completing my term]. But there appeared to be a communication breakdown between prison authorities and the higher-ups, because other inmates told me I was on the list of prisoners granted amnesty on Myanmar New Year’s Day in mid-April. The night I was released, junta security personnel raided the Yangon house where I lived before being jailed. Meanwhile, pro-junta Telegram channels were calling for my rearrest, saying most of my ABFSU colleagues had already taken leadership positions in anti-regime armed groups.
What charges did you face?
For anti-coup activities, I faced just one charge of sedition – for a speech I gave during a protest in Yangon. But I had already been charged with sedition and violating the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law for protesting against the Rakhine State war in late 2020. In the end, I was prosecuted on one count of sedition and two counts of breaking the Peaceful Assembly Law.
What did you experience at the interrogation center?
Hatred. They welcomed me with evil grins when I arrived. Their main torture method was to force me to repeat my anti-dictatorship speeches as they beat me. Fortunately, they only inflicted flesh wounds – I seemed to have escaped internal injuries. Prisoners were also dragged by their feet from the lounge-like room where we waited between interrogation sessions and beaten at midnight.
Did the regime make any offers to you in prison?
In May 2022, military officers showed up at Insein Prison for talks with me and [jailed professor] Dr. Arkar Moe Thu. The regime was desperate to reopen schools. Before speaking to us, they showed us videos of what they described as People’s Defense Forces killing innocent civilians. They asked my opinion on reopening schools and said student unions would be allowed to operate again. They said they would arrange talks with the Education Ministry if we agreed to give up the fight against dictatorship. They also offered assistance if we agreed to form a political platform [instead of fighting the regime]. And they said Min Aung Hlaing was willing to discuss demands made at the student protests [against the new National Education Law] in 2015.
I told them I was against reopening schools while the country remained unstable and political problems unresolved. I said the move was nothing more than an attempt to exploit students for political gain. Regarding their proposal to form a political platform, I said that the people had chosen the path of revolution, and I would not choose another.
Were political prisoners monitored while you were in prison?
They used staff and guards – and also spy cameras – to keep watch on prisoners like me who were likely to stage anti-regime activities. I know this because I had a chance to see footage recorded by those cameras.
What was life like inside Insein and Tharyarwaddy prisons?
As the central prison, Insein is under stricter rules than any other facility. Prison authorities’ mindset is that dissident activities may occur in other prisons, but not here.
Tharyarwaddy is nicknamed Pone San [‘Stress Pose’] Prison for its coercive punishment system of stress positions and regimentation. It is notorious as a graveyard for both political prisoners and criminals. Prison authorities use transfers as a punishment, moving you on to prisons with worse living conditions. Worst of all is Tharyarwaddy, where notorious inmates from other prisons end up. Prisoners are badly beaten on arrival, regardless of their crimes. For the first month, they are shackled on open ground in the prison courtyard and subjected to various forms of torture, as well as extortion. This system is still operating today.
Were you aware of the execution of Ko Jimmy and three other political prisoners at Insein Prison?
We didn’t see the executions but we noticed the preparations, including the cleaning and checking of the gallows room and arrival of outside vehicles. At the time, we didn’t realize they would be hanged. The night before, prison authorities cut off electricity in the entire prison as they took the four men from their cells.
Some inmates saw the hooded figures being taken out by armed police, guards and military officers. But we didn’t know they had been executed until the next day. Some couldn’t believe it even after they saw the newspaper reports.
What are your plans for the future?
I have resumed my duties at the ABFSU at a new location, focusing on the rural community, especially students. My work focuses on giving political talks and rallying public support for the formation of student, farmers’, and women’s unions.
How do you assess the current status of the revolution?
Military cooperation is strong, but the revolution still lacks unified political leadership and consensus. We still need a political coalition. The only way we can achieve victory in this revolution is by working together.
