In this interview with The Irrawaddy, the defense minister of Myanmar’s civilian National Unity Government, U Yee Mon, discusses Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s push for the country’s junta to end the war and hold promised elections; Beijing’s pressure on the Northern Alliance as well as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and United Wa State Army (UWSA) to uphold the ceasefire agreement brokered by China; and its possible impact on Myanmar’s anti-regime resistance.
The Irrawaddy: During a recent trip to Naypyitaw, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi urged the junta to end ongoing conflict in Myanmar and to hold elections “that have been agreed on by all stakeholders”. What are your thoughts on this?
U Yee Mon: There is a Myanmar proverb that says you know your own pain best. I believe that Myanmar citizens are the most knowledgeable about the complexity of the situation in their own country. Why is there an armed revolution happening here today? The reality is that a political solution was no longer possible, which is why the people of Myanmar turned to armed struggle as a last resort. I would like the international community to understand this fact very clearly.
If we reflect on the current situation in Myanmar, it’s evident that the junta violated the 2008 constitution—something they had held sacred—by staging a coup and illegally taking power.
The current issues stem directly from that point. Since the coup, the junta has committed violence and arrested, murdered, burned and bombed its own citizens on a daily basis. What hope can we place in an election organized by such terrorist coup leaders? All leaders who were elected by the majority of the people are being imprisoned.
An election under these circumstances will not bring about any form of national reconciliation, and I strongly urge the international community to recognize this fact.
When discussing elections in Myanmar, the 2020 results are still fresh in our minds. Holding another referendum simply because the junta is dissatisfied would only degrade our history.
Today, the military that staged the coup and rejected the 2020 election results is nothing more than an armed militia without ethics and discipline, and holds a record of losing battles. The people are vehemently opposed to that military, which now controls less than one-third of the country’s territory.
What credibility can we assign to an election led by such an institution? This is the question before the international community. I must emphasize that supporting the Military Council’s election is tantamount to standing against the will of the Myanmar people.
Q: China is pressuring the Northern Alliance, as well as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and United Wa State Army (UWSA) to upholding the Haigeng agreement. What impact could this have on the NUG/PDF?
UYM: The root causes of Myanmar’s political crisis lie in the military’s meddling in politics. One of the main reasons why the resistance movement sought to abolish the 2008 constitution is that it allows the military to interfere in politics. The slogan of today’s revolution is to uproot military dictatorship.
This means establishing genuine federalism and democracy while removing military influence. As long as the system remains unchanged, resistance will persist in the country. If the international community truly supports the interests of the Myanmar people, it should pressure the military junta, not the revolutionary forces.
I urge the international community to apply pressure on the military regime to cease its political interference.
Q: Projects with Chinese investment in Myanmar are now under the control of some Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations (EROs) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), and China’s concern about this is growing.
UYM: Almost all of the projects the Chinese government invested in, including natural oil and gas pipeline projects, are located in territories that are now under the control of revolutionary forces. But the NUG has publicly announced its policy regarding China, and both the NUG and its ethnic allies have clearly expressed their views on China’s interests and security concerns. The PDF forces on the ground are following the NUG’s instructions, taking care not to harm the interests of any Chinese or other foreign investment projects. It’s a well-known fact.
We hope that China will take a pragmatic approach in handling the situation regarding Myanmar.
Q: Why did PDF forces retreat from Depayin? Was it due to a lack of ammunition or a strategic decision not to hold the city?
UYM: Once forces have taken a city, many factors must be considered in deciding whether to maintain control or withdraw after the area has been cleared. The PDF began its revolutionary journey with Tumi (single-shot traditional hunting rifles), and then gained momentum as a guerrilla force. Now we have reached a level where we can occupy whole cities.
But the decision to commit all resources to hold a city is complex and requires careful consideration. Before fully occupying a city, our forces may need to surround it, cut off enemy supply routes, or launch assaults to weaken the enemy’s combat capabilities.
These are all strategic steps that must be evaluated before any action is taken.
Q: How strong is the collaborations between the NUG/PDF and the EROs currently?
UYM: The respective EROs are primarily responsible for liberating their own territories, while the NUG/PDF take the lead in liberating the heartland; that’s the plan for the current revolution. To strengthen the PDFs, the EROs also provide support in their respective regions. This division of responsibilities reflects the current understanding and task-sharing between the EROs and the NUG/PDF in this revolution. Once the revolution is successful—in other words, once the military coup is ended—the NUG/PDF and EROs will collaborate and assume responsibility for the security of the entire union.
Q: What are your thoughts on the view that Myanmar could become fragmented if the military collapses?
UYM: While the EROs in our country have different backgrounds and paths that they came from, they share a common goal: everyone aims to achieve a federal democratic union.
The purpose of this revolution is not only to oppose the military coup and resist the junta but also to address and solve the political crisis that has persisted for 70 years in our country. Myanmar is diverse, with differences in race and religion. Despite these differences, I believe, this revolution will bring us together to unity.
Previous military regimes and now the junta claim they got involved in politics to maintain the union and prevent disintegration. They intimidate the public and instill fear. But in the face of this revolution, they no longer dare to use these words as a justification.
Q: What would you like to say to those who lost life and limb and their families?
The sacrifices made by the people, both young and old, in this revolution are immense. When I say young, that includes all youths including ethnic youths who are on the frontlines, sacrificing their lives. Their sacrifices will be remembered.
But many older people have lost their belongings and property and are also actively participating in this revolution. In my experience, when there is a battle in central Myanmar, the young people fight on the frontlines while the older ones take responsibility for supporting the forces behind the lines.
They gather resources, cook, and send food to the frontlines. If a comrade is injured in battle, these same people carry the wounded to the nearest hospital or clinic. We have witnessed both young and old participating and sacrificing equally and actively in this revolution.
It moves me deeply to see this level of commitment. We firmly believe that these citizens deserve to be free from this tyranny and are entitled to freedom and peace. During this revolution, there were those who have lost limbs as well as their lives. These individuals are national heroes, and history will honor them. And I would like to express my gratitude for this interview.
