Dr. Tayzar San, the first protester to take to the streets in Mandalay after the military coup on February 1, 2021, recently returned to the city amid heightened security. He held a protest in the city, advocating for a coordinated people’s movement alongside military resistance.
The military council charged him with defamation, searched his home in Mandalay, and even raided and destroyed Shwe O-ya village in Sagaing Division, where he was born.
The Irrawaddy interviewed Dr. Tayzar San about the current political situation as the armed resistance advances on Myanmar’s second largest-city, Mandalay, home to the junta’s Central Military Command.
What is your view on the penetration by resistance forces into Mandalay Region under the second phase of Operation 1027?
Dr. Tayzar San: Militarily, Mandalay Region can be considered the heart of Myanmar, much like Naypyitaw, Bago and Magway. Revolutionary forces are trying to penetrate and control these areas through military means.

The junta’s primary advantage is supposedly its military capability, which includes the air force, and its ample supply of weapons and ammunition.
Despite these advantages, it is clearly losing. In the first wave of Operation 1027, it lost control of many major cities and international border trade terminals. As a last resort, it is defending Yangon, Naypyitaw, and Mandalay regions while taking up defensive positions elsewhere.
Some may also be aware that the parallel NUG government is calling phase two of Operation 1027 the ‘Shan-Man’ operation (‘Man’ for Mandalay). We see steps being taken to penetrate into the Mandalay area, which is a junta center of military and economic strategy.
Revolutionary forces now control the town of Singu, less than 50 miles (80km) from Mandalay. Massive waves of attacks have penetrated areas close to Mandalay. The second phase of Operation 1027 aims to capture the enemy’s heart through military efforts.
What do you think about resistance efforts to draft an interim political agenda for Mandalay Region as the offensive advances?
TZ: A successful revolution requires a coordinated effort involving politics, the military, and people’s movements. The current period, before the fall of the military dictatorship, can be called the interim period. The NUG’s official name is the Interim National Unity Government. Once the revolutionary period ends and the dictatorship falls, we will enter a transitional period.

Only after the transitional period can we achieve the true federal union which we hope for. In the current revolution period, we must attack the junta politically, militarily, and through people’s movements, on one hand. On the other, it is crucial for revolutionary and political forces to stay united and coordinated, to strengthen the revolution.
This is essentially the interim political plan for Mandalay Region. It is a federal movement to support the ongoing revolution and connect with us. Our aspirations are to form a new federal state.
Interim political plans are being crafted for all revolutionary political forces in Mandalay Region to collaborate in the revolutionary effort.
This process is not new. It began about a year ago, and involves the parliament, administrations, defense forces, people’s strike forces, CDM forces, activists, and political parties, collaborating on these efforts.
We are now forming a working committee to draft an interim political plan for Mandalay Region. It is not wrong to say that it is aimed at supporting the advance of the revolutionary movement.
With revolutionary forces controlling more areas, frictions have emerged between local communities and groups such as defense forces, People’s Administration Forces, People’s Security Forces, and the PDFs. How should this issue be handled?
This issue was not very apparent in 2021-2022 due to revolutionary forces’ limited control of territory.
Now, they have significantly increased their dominion in areas like Sagaing, Mandalay, and Magway regions.
Consequently, they must implement administrations as well as social services such as education and health. Essential pillars like a legal system and associated mechanisms must also be formed to maintain the rule of law.
Who is responsible and currently working on this?
The NUG. It has started developing mechanisms and forces including People’s Administration Forces, People’s Security Forces (PSF) for police operations, and the community-based armed resistance People’s Defense Forces for militia duties. Other mechanisms and revolutionary organizations like the PDF, which have permanent combat responsibilities, were developed, too.
Meanwhile, we are seeing more incidents due to friction between these organizations and local communities. In other words, it’s natural. In place of the enemy junta, which no longer exists in those areas, these organizations have become governing forces that are providing security. That’s why we are seeing more friction and disputes with local communities.

Friction is also more frequent among revolutionary organizations, such as between separate PDFs, between People’s Administrative Forces and People’s Security Forces, between these organizations and strike organizations, and between the PDFs and local armed forces that have not yet integrated with the NUG.
I always emphasize that this revolution is a people’s revolution. In civilian terms, these forces include doctors, nurses, schoolteachers, palm tree climbers, farmers, masons, carpenters, trishaw drivers – all kinds of people united by their opposition to authoritarianism.
What I want to say is that many of these individuals may lack the skills or experience required in their current administrative roles. They had to take on these roles for the revolution, and now bear security responsibilities. In fact, all these individuals are also revolutionaries.
However, as their ability to control territory increases, it becomes crucial for administrators to acquire the necessary skills, knowledge, and capabilities related to administration.
That is why we are continuously urging the NUG to improve its organizations and mechanisms and to follow the right path. This is vital.
There are codes of conduct for armed forces and administrators, and there are manuals and publications for martial ethics and administration. It is essential to speak, practice, and act in line with these ethics and codes of conduct.
Similarly, the public also bears a responsibility. It has a duty to regulate all revolutionaries and revolutionary organizations. If both the NUG, to whom we have entrusted this responsibility, and the people on the ground supervise these revolutionary forces, we hope these revolutionary organizations will adhere more closely to the relevant ethical rules.
This revolution has progressed this far because it is people-focused. If revolutionary organizations and revolutionaries trigger unhappiness and frustration among the public, firstly, the people will become disappointed with the revolutionaries. Gradually, the public will become indifferent to the revolution, which will significantly hinder the revolution’s success. Therefore, it is crucial that we don’t let this happen. Prevention is better than cure.
These are the reasons why it is imperative for all revolutionary organizations to adhere strictly to the codes of conduct. I would like to emphasize that now is the time to build a strong and fair chain of command and administration to strengthen each organization.
Friction and disputes also exist between ethnic armed groups that are currently attacking the junta. There are also conflicts between local communities. Do you have any thoughts on this?
Myanmar’s political problem didn’t arise yesterday or within the last three or four years of the Spring Revolution. It has been a problem for over 70 years. There are numerous issues spanning these decades that we need to resolve and negotiate, including demarcation of borders.
To give a clear example, there are many ethnic armed organizations in northern Shan State. Between these groups, there are sometimes minor frictions.
However, one thing is certain: our common enemy is very apparent, which is the military dictatorship that seeks to monopolize control of the country. We will work together to end this common enemy. When there is no more common enemy, we should, as comrades and friends, negotiate and find peaceful solutions for the issues between us, while treating these conflicts as friendly conflicts. I fully believe that solutions will be found.
During this revolution, if the minor frictions and disputes between groups are handled carefully with wisdom, with full awareness and discipline among the leadership, I believe they can be resolved.
But if frictions increase, the public will become disappointed with the revolution and the revolutionary organizations. This would benefit no one except perhaps the dictators. It is crucial for all involved to consider this point carefully.
A photo of you with Arakan Army chief General Twan Myat Naing has surfaced on social media. Tell us more about this picture and your visit to armed resistance areas.
During this revolution, traveling has been a key activity for me. In central Myanmar, I have been to regions like Mandalay, Sagaing, and Magwe, as well as areas controlled by ethnic armed organizations. During my visits to Kachin and the northern and eastern Shan states, I also met with leaders of ethnic armed organizations and became familiar with them. I had the opportunity to meet General Twan Myat Naing, the chairman of the United League of Arakan (ULA/AA), and we posted a photo.
We all have a common enemy and a shared goal. We are comrades heading toward this common goal. Naturally, during this revolutionary period, we cannot reveal everything. I believe the public understands this.
Over the past three years of revolution, it is very clear that our hearts have grown closer and more united. After the dictatorial system that has plagued our country for over 70 years is gone, it will be peaceful. I would like to convey to the public that we will be able to build a new country in a new era, with a new system where people are treated as equals and secular laws flourish.
How do you analyze the junta’s efforts to hold a national election amid the escalating offensives of revolutionary groups?
The root cause of all the people’s movements and armed revolution in Myanmar is the coup d’état. All the people of Myanmar, including critical thinkers, simply seek peace and want to live peacefully. No one wants to experience conflict and see their towns and villages being destroyed.
Now, the military activity that the junta once considered advantageous is no longer beneficial to the regime. The international community has not accepted its rule, and the junta has become completely discredited in the eyes of the public. Now, it appears that the junta is looking for an exit by holding a fake election.
We desire democracy and will not reject legitimate elections, as they are an integral part of a democracy. But will the junta’s planned poll be a truly democratic election? I am certain it will not. Just look at the registration process for political parties to participate in the election. What types of parties are allowed to register? Can these parties ensure a truly independent election process?
Lastly, under what legal framework will the junta hold the election? It will definitely be conducted under the 2008 (military-drafted) constitution. We all know the nature of the 2008 constitution. The junta will proceed according to the undemocratic laws that it has crafted.
Our Spring Revolution aims to build a true federal democratic union. The fake election being planned by the junta cannot resolve Myanmar’s political problems. It will only complicate these problems further. The public won’t accept it either. I want to state that this election will only be a political charade to prolong the military dictatorship’s existence.
How do you view China’s current involvement in Myanmar’s political and military issues?
We have presented and discussed these issues many times with our neighbor, China, which we will coexist with for as long as the world exists. Frankly speaking, the people of Myanmar are completely disappointed with China’s current position and are very unhappy about it.
I always tell China that the goal of federal democracy which Myanmar people are striving for today aligns with China’s national interests. As long as the authoritarian system continues, Myanmar will suffer from conflicts, and China’s border will not be stable. Nowhere will be stable. If Myanmar is unstable and not peaceful, it will not benefit China. There will be no advantages.
The root cause of all the instability in Myanmar is the coup and the authoritarianism. If you want to see Myanmar as a peaceful neighboring country, the dictatorship must end. We want to present this issue as an extremely serious matter to China.
Looking at the history of China-Myanmar relations over the past 70 years, the relationship of true kinship was at its strongest when governments representing the people in Myanmar were elected. Therefore, on behalf of the Myanmar people, I once again urge China to stop supporting the dictatorship as soon as possible. Otherwise, I want to clearly state, the people of Myanmar will harbor even greater resentment towards the Chinese government.
What message do you want to convey to the public about the current political and military situation?
The military progress is evident. Enemy camps, cities, and villages controlled by the enemy have been captured, and wave after wave of military offensives (by resistance forces) are advancing. However, the main message to the public is that we cannot rely solely on military tactics. Over more than three years of revolution, we have come this far due to well-balanced collaboration between people’s movements and military actions.
Collaboration between people’s movements and military actions which involved CDM activities, strike activities, and international diplomatic efforts have all contributed to the revolution’s rapid progress. To achieve our endgame and goal quickly, it is crucial to balance military efforts with people’s movements and uprisings.
We believe that all individuals are revolutionaries. We are all revolutionaries, and the people are the revolution’s supporters. They are not mere spectators or passive supporters. Every citizen is a revolutionary.
Therefore, the people must actively participate in the revolution. The endurance and stamina of the people is the key to the revolution’s success. Thus, it is time to accelerate the development of community-wide movements, such as boycotts and financial warfare. I urge the public to continue the movements and uprisings to drive the final battle.